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Full speech, including references, given by International Development Minister Shriti Vadera at the launch of the Doing Business Report 2008, 12 October 2007

12 October 2007


Shriti VaderaGrowth and poverty reduction

I am particularly pleased to be in an audience of the top reformers in Africa who are putting in place the regulatory environment needed for doing business. Ghana and Kenya are in the top ten reformers world wide and Mauritius is the highest ranked African country in the Doing Business Report. I join you all in congratulating them.

I have been waiting for this sort of sympathetic audience since joining the Department of International Development to talk about something I think the development community could and should talk and do more about. And that is the centrality of growth and wealth creation as routes to poverty reduction. I grew up witnessing poverty in Africa and India and worked for 14 years in the City and eight in the Treasury. Perhaps as a result, it’s in my DNA to see growth and poverty reduction as part of the same equation.

As Gordon Brown said at the UN in July, 'perhaps for too long we have talked the language of development without defining its starting point in wealth creation - the dignity of individuals empowered to trade and be economically self sufficient.'


Why are high growth rates essential to the MDGs?

At the halfway point of the Millennium Development Goals, we have a very mixed picture - some great successes and some disappointments.

During this period foreign aid has grown rapidly, albeit not enough. And there have been many innovative aid programmes implemented. But the single biggest factor separating success from failure is economic growth.

Countries that are growing rapidly are on-track to achieve most of their MDGs, and those that are not are failing.

Countries growing at 8% per year for a decade:

  • enjoy a doubling of per capita income;
  • are likely to see a reduction of infant mortality by over 40%; and
  • an increase in real spending on health and education of over 130%.

The astonishing power of compound growth means that the gains from higher growth rates lead to disproportionate gains in income levels.

According to Dollar and Kray, growth accounts for more than 80% of poverty reduction, and has lifted 500 million above the poverty line since 1980, while less than 20% was as a result of changes in inequality (1). This analysis has generated much debate but the message is none the less clear.

In East Asia, where growth has averaged 9% per annum over the last 15 years, 300 million have been lifted out of poverty.

In 1957, Malaysia and Ghana had the same living standards. But by 2000 incomes in Malaysia were 13 times as high as those in Ghana. Now Ghana is likely to be one of the first African countries to achieve MDG 1 – to halve the number of people living on less than a dollar a day – and is on its way to middle income status.

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Perhaps for the first time we have a sense of optimism in Africa with many countries growing at better rates than ever before, some of course fuelled by commodity prices.

I am not arguing for a ‘growth alone’ model of development and return to discredited trickle down economics. On the contrary, we know that the pattern of growth, inequality and the distribution of opportunity are absolutely critical for growth to lead to poverty reduction. But neither can we argue for purely welfarist approaches to development. If the historical experience of the past 200 years has taught us anything, it is that sustained human progress in many dimensions - in health, education, employment conditions, and living standards - depends critically on increasing productivity, linked in turn to innovation and the development of capacity.

So I am simply concerned that sometimes we lose sight of the simple fact that, without growth, sustainable human development is a largely theoretical proposition.

We also sometimes lose sight of the fact that the purpose of aid is to no longer require it. Unchanging long term aid dependency should be a measure of our failure. I do not know a single country that actually wants to depend on DfID to provide for their people. As Paul Kagame, President of Rwanda, recently said, "… we have to be honest about the consequences of aid dependence. Countries that have used aid as a temporary support while domestic and foreign investment stocks are built up have achieved lasting success." (2)

We know that as incomes grow, so a higher share of income goes into government revenue and finances public spending on health, education, and other social sectors. Private spending on these activities also increases.

A sustained 2% increase in per capita growth would bring forward the date at which a typical low income country can domestically finance recommended health expenditure by several decades according to Professor Venables. Growth is the mechanism through which aid funded support for public services can be made sustainable.

This is not a statement that should be misinterpreted to mean that aid is not necessary in moral or economic terms, just that it is not sufficient. Nor should it be interpreted to mean DFID will neglect human development, move away from its White Paper commitments or that the focus of our aid expenditure will move away from basic services. Human development matters in its own right – we are committed to the Millennium Development Goals for education, health, access to water amongst other things. Human development also critically contributes to growth. And in particular to the growth that we want to see – inclusive and environmentally sustainable growth.

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Do we know how to promote rapid and successful growth?

I think it would be fair to say we still have much to learn. What we do know is no country has enjoyed sustained rapid growth without:

  • First, macroeconomic stability.
  • Second, security from predation in which I include political instability and conflict, crime, corruption and weak contract enforcement, all of which threaten potential returns and make investment unattractive. Alan Greenspan said at a dinner in London recently that the only real difference he saw between a developed and developing country is the rule of law.
  • And third, openness to the international economy. We know that no country has grown on a sustained basis in recent times without successfully integrating into global markets. Trade brings access to new ideas, skills, and to international science and technology networks.

However, these conditions are not sufficient as they neglect the supply side of the economy which has huge inelasticity in developing countries. The ‘drivers of growth’ in low income countries include:

  • Infrastructure - transport, and power especially (3)
  • Skills
  • Access to finance
  • Access to technologies and information, especially in agriculture
  • A supportive regulatory environment, promoting competition, ensuring markets are contestable

Delivering these conditions requires a focussed and prioritised Government effort. And this requires building capable governments and strong institutions including a strong, meritocratic civil service, to establish the rule of law, and to implement macro- and micro-economic policy.

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What strikes me is how similar the drivers of growth are to the ones we have been grappling with in the UK and other OECD countries. At the Treasury our over-arching ambition was to improve productivity in the economy, which historically lagged behind that of our major competitors. The five drivers identified by the Treasury were competition, enterprise - including better regulation and access to finance, science and innovation, skills and investment in physical capital (4).

The similarities are remarkable. Ndulu has suggested that it is Africa’s slow productivity growth that distinguishes it more sharply from the rest of the world (5).

What we are talking about is ensuring a supply response that has often been lacking – and which explains much of the failure of many structural adjustment programmes of the past. Liberalisation and privatisation did not overall deliver the productivity improvements needed.

We also know from empirical studies of growth in the 90s that there is no one unique formula to accelerating and sustaining growth. Policies and paths to growth have been country specific as set out in the Commission for Africa Report. Some countries will grow via manufactured exports; some via natural resources; some via services. And over time the drivers of growth will change.

So, to succeed, countries need to formulate prioritised, sequenced and costed growth strategies. These can only be country led and country specific, based on both the constraints and potential of an economy. The long shopping lists, with which we have become familiar, setting out endless actions and investment required are not only impossible to implement, but they risk missing the point. And we also need to assess the feasibility of, and incentives for removing constraints. This means understanding the political environment and recognising the unique role of political leadership in facilitating change.

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How do we make growth 'inclusive'?


High growth levels are necessary they are by no means sufficient. While almost all growth benefits the poor, it is very rarely proportionately, and the extent to which it translates into poverty reduction and improvements in life quality for the poorest varies considerably.

Growth has been more powerful in reducing poverty in some countries than in others. We know that high levels of initial inequality reduce the impact of growth on poverty reduction, as does rising inequality over time. (Had inequality not risen in Uganda in the 1990s a further 2 million people would now not be poor.)

Contrary to popular belief - and my own intuition - growth does not necessarily lead to increased inequality. Inequality and changes in income appear to be uncorrelated. Evidence from the 80s and 90s suggests that there is a roughly equal chance of growth being accompanied by increasing or decreasing inequality. But there is more recent experience that the fastest growing economies are experiencing rising inequality.

Countries differ in how well they translate income growth into human development and well being. India's emergence as a high-growth economy is a good news story. But unlike in many other countries, malnutrition is falling very slowly, from 52% in 1992 to 46% now. And slower growth Bangladesh has overtaken India in terms of reducing child mortality.

Pakistan and Indonesia both grew at pretty much the same rate annually in the 60s and 70s but Indonesia reduced its shortfall in non-income components of the Human Development Indicators by 50%, while Pakistan achieved about half that.

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The reasons are undoubtedly complex. Deep-rooted inequalities based especially on gender but also on class, caste and ethnicity have proven very stubborn.

It is interesting that those countries with higher scores on ‘ease of doing business' in the Doing Business Report have larger shares of women in the ranks of entrepreneurs and workers. In DRC, where I was this time last week, women need their husband's permission to start a business. Only 18% of women there run a small business. In Rwanda, the country with the highest level of women MPs in the world, the figure is 41%.

So special focus needs to be given to including the poor in the process of growth, not only because of the moral imperative, but because it makes economic sense too. Where people are marginalised or have no political voice over the decisions that affect them, they tend not to share in national resources or equitably in the benefits of growth. Poor people have to be made the subjects of development, not the objects.

Raising productivity and reducing risk in agriculture is one way to reach the poor. In sub-Saharan Africa, 70% of people depend on agriculture for their livelihoods, and over 90% of producers depend on rain. So we should be clear that vulnerability is a problem, which is likely to increase with climate change.

Farmers can be helped by interventions to help reduce risks from shocks and protect their assets.

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Unprotected risk is a powerful constraint on productivity – and droughts are a potent source of long-run poverty and disadvantage. Social protection is important not just because it protects nutrition and health, among other things, but because it can provide a platform for early recovery and prevent loss of assets and erosion of productivity. This was of course one of the main purposes for the creation of the welfare system starting in the 19th century in the UK.

That is why we should place social protection firmly as part of the growth agenda. Ethiopia’s Productive Safety Net Programme (supported by DFID) reaches some 2 - 3 million people and has enabled vulnerable households to protect and build their productive assets. More broadly, social protection, improved rural transport infrastructure and investment in water management are critical for raising economic returns and reducing risk. Without these investments, poor people will be unable to produce their way out of poverty – and we are left with trickle down approaches.

Financial exclusion remains a barrier to all too many in the poorest countries. Micro-finance is making great strides all around the world, and new developments using mobile phones are astonishing. But about 80% of the population in the poorest countries still lack access to a bank account of some form.

Poor people need access to labour markets, through getting the skills they need. I think many of us in the donor community put insufficient emphasis on developing effective skills and training programmes and need to do much more work here.

Corruption is never pro-poor. And it is often much worse than theft. It can stop growth in its tracks. It can stop competition, stop innovation, and reduce efficiency. An important study of the Nigerian economy found that historically not only had oil wealth been squandered but it fundamentally altered governance, contributing to much lower long run growth by at least 0.5% a year (6).

Finally, I must address one other dimension of the quality of growth. Perhaps the biggest challenge today is urgently to work out how the world is going to secure the low carbon growth we need. Almost all countries have significantly reduced the carbon intensity of their GNI, but not nearly enough. Reducing overall global emissions will require rich countries to cross this carbon transition, and we need to help poor countries find non fossil fuel intensive paths to growth. This is a huge challenge and merits its own discussion. We need to agree what carbon justice means and we need to get as much poverty reduction as possible per dollar of growth.

Adaptation will be costly, so the arguments for the international community to meet its aid commitments are even more compelling than ever. And you will have seen that the Chancellor earlier this week confirmed that the UK is on target to spend 0.7% of GNI on ODA by 2013, two years ahead of the EU target.

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What is the role for development agencies and how will DfID rise to the challenge?

China and India are powering ahead - at 10% growth per year - with virtually no help from foreign assistance in the case of China, and proportionately little in the case of India. In both cases there are worries about human development but in both cases they are generating increased resources to invest in their people.

So what is the role for development agencies, such as DFID, and of aid in helping to promote high rates of growth?

First, most low income countries don’t have the variants of capabilities, human capital, saving rates, or scale of domestic market that China and India have used to such great effect over recent years. Most African counties are still lacking many of the basic prerequisites, particularly in the supply side of their economies, for growth as I have already discussed. Development agencies need to consider the investment priorities of their partner countries.

Second, development agencies can help countries make their growth more inclusive. This can be done by:

  • helping to build and protect the assets of the poor;
  • promoting their access to markets - access to skills for job seekers, access to finance for entrepreneurs, access to seeds, livestock and fertiliser for farmers, and physical access via infrastructure investment;
  • strengthening property rights for the poor;
  • promoting technology diffusion;
  • and by protecting the poor from natural and man made shocks such as crop failures.

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And it is not only about aid. We need to change the aspects of the industrialised countries’ behaviour that harm growth and development - trade distorting subsidies and other trade barriers, climate change, the arms trade, excessive constraints on the flow of knowledge via intellectual property and TRIPs, to name but a few.

I want to reassure those who might worry that more emphasis on economic growth means a change in DFID’s policy on economic conditionality. On the contrary, my own experience has been of a difference in emphasis between traditional donors and the international community on the one hand recently focussing on a predominantly social expenditure approach, and governments and people in developing countries, on the other, emphasising their desire to grow and create jobs and opportunity. I expect we will be listening more carefully to the aspirations of our developing partners to grow and responding to their frustration about the lack of emphasis on growth promotion in the international development dialogue. This agenda only works with leadership from developing countries. International donors are definitely only the supporting actors.

  • We want to develop long term partnerships with countries that have a commitment to grow, and a credible strategy for achieving it;
  • We will support analytical work by countries on growth diagnostics, which lead to prioritised action plans and investment programmes;
  • DFID will therefore be more responsive to countries’ efforts to increase jobs and improve incomes and stand ready to support them, including by providing practical assistance on the development of policies, on capacity and institution building for growth;
  • We will support programs to reduce risks and help protect assets of the poor;
  • We will continue to work with our international development partners, the multilateral development banks and bilateral donors to improve our joint offer on developing and financing growth strategies including infrastructure and skill;
  • We will sponsor world class research into how to make growth more inclusive.


Critically, we will continue aggressively to pursue international trade agreements that allow low income countries to benefit from globalisation. Successful completion of the Doha round is vital, as is securing EPAs which catalyse development.

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The role of the private sector

There is no need, to this audience, to emphasise the role of the private sector – you are the wealth creators. This Report is about how we as Governments can enable you to get on with it, not least by getting out of the way much of the time. The role of the domestic private sector is key but I would like to also commend many foreign investors for their leadership on, for example, labour rights, on the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, and increasingly in the domain of climate change.

But I still hanker after a role for northern companies that moves beyond minimum standards, beyond philanthropy, beyond corporate social responsibility into making them long term partners in development. By increasing the level of value and wealth that is created in the country of investment, by increasing the level of revenue that is captured in country, through investment in domestic supply chains and developing local business partnerships, through skills and technology transfer and by bringing the unique approach to solving problems that the private sector has. One example of this approach is the project we have funded with Vodafone which uses mobile telephony to reduce the cost of transfers within Kenya and has the potential to be used for international remittances.

We were delighted that more than 20 of the world’s leading companies, including Unilever and Patrick Cescau personally and Citigroup, signed up to the declaration on the urgency of meeting the Millennium Development Goals in July this year. We are working with them to translate this commitment into reality, developing ideas for partnership that are core to their business and skills and transformative in terms of growth and development in poor countries.

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In closing

There are reasons to be more optimistic than in several decades, as world growth remains healthy, and Africa’s average growth - at 5% for the past five years - is higher than at any time since the 1970s. Countries like Uganda and Mozambique were among the highest performing economies in the 1990s. Others like Ghana and Tanzania are now showing very encouraging signs in terms of raising and sustaining growth. Democracy is taking root across the continent, and conflicts are declining. Macroeconomic stability is evident almost everywhere.

But Africa as a whole remains significantly off-track for achieving its goals for 2015 - and it is vital that we all work together to redouble our efforts to raise growth and improve its quality.

'Doing Business' is a remarkable endeavour. By providing some important metrics year on year on a globally comparative basis helps us focus and prioritise on what matters. It makes a distinctive contribution to assessing and addressing the critical constraints to growth, and I am delighted to be here at its launch today.

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Notes

(1) Dollar and Kray, 2002.
(2) Kagame, Time for Continent to Insist on Defining its own Future, Business Day (Johannesburg) 2007.
(3) A summary of evidence of the full economic rate of return to infrastructure in developing countries suggests returns of 30-40% on telecommunications, 40% on electricity generation, and 200% for roads, with returns being higher in low- than middle-income countries. Estache, Infrastructure: A Survey of Recent and Upcoming Issues, 2006.
(4) Chapter 3 Budget and Pre-Budget Reports, http://www.hm-treasury.gov.uk/.
(5) Ndulu, Challenges of African Growth, 2007.
(6) Martin and Subramamian, Addressing the Natural Resource Curse: An illustration from Nigeria. IMF Working Paper, 2003.

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